In June of 2016, housewife Judith Shulevetz coined the term \"caregiverism\" in a New York Times op-ed. Titled \"How to Fix Feminism\", this op-ed championed a social philosophy that persists in modern United States voters and policies. The article outlined the importance and viability of the mother as a political tool, defended traditional values associated with motherhood, and demonized any feminism that moves to destroy the sacred \"family\". Pulling from histories of republican motherhood and multiple stereotypes associated with a mother's public participation, Shulevetz proposes \"caregiversism\" as an alternative to intersectional, sexual rights-focused, and vocationally-focused feminism – an ideology that supports and validates a white woman's choice to stay home with her children. She champions the grievances of the middle-class white woman who feels alienated by modern feminist movements and finds her self-worth in the raising of her children. Caregiverism not only requires leisure time to acknowledge such a social stance and the socioeconomic prosperity required to do so, but also functionally excludes most women in the United States from the movement by framing feminist progress within the legacy of the white Republican Mother. The \"tradition\" from which it pulls does not encompass a universal or even distinctly American feminist barrier to social entry. From as early as 1620, African-American women like Mary Dare were in complete control of the markets in Charleston, South Carolina. Native American women were seen as the architects of society, and Quakers attempted to instill equality measures on both the household and the public sphere. The tradition with which this paper engages is liberal and west-European in its origins. It can be traced to the fall of the French regime in 1789, when the battle for a national image of the mother created a two-fold ideology founded in social conservatism and liberal progress. The Caregiver is a narrative that represents a former public transcript whose voice has been softened by the deafening cries of intersectionality and reform. Despite her decline, however, the philosophy of the caregiver is a unique political tool continues to counteract immigration reform, abortion rights, and welfare subsidies for low-income mothers across nation. This will be a story about a process – a slow process – of reform and policy improvements across three centuries and an ocean. It will take a well-known history of feminism and engage with its relevance in the modern United States to illustrate the continuity of its impact. This story will also call into question the issues of the debates between these feminists and their adversaries, and attempt to identify how much the two sides really have in common. This paper will engage primarily with the issues of housework and childcare as the foundational topics of feminist discussion and critique. The political aspirations and activities of these women are inseparable from their advocacy, and thus will have a significant stage as well. On the Scope and Terms \"Care\" and \"caregiving\" have evolved in both definition and application throughout the history of the United States. From periods of slave care and indentured servitude to universal child care policy plans, the resources and actions required for care have always been determined by domineering social and economic factors. The two most important eras to our purpose, however, are the eras of child and female employment. While these \"eras\" do seemingly overlap, early 20th century child labor laws facilitated a social shift from viewing the child as a producer to viewing the child simply as a product of reproduction. This revitalized the home ..etc \"Care\", as a broader term, refers to the actions necessary by one responsible for dependents or those in need of assistance. The history of actions deemed \"necessary\" have evolved over time, mirroring the social norms and legal repercussions for certain kinds of child care. Two main concepts dominate the social norms that create expectations of childcare: production and reproduction. This paper will focus primarily on the reproduction aspect of care – the reproduction of children, their well-being, their contributions to the labor market, and the values associated with their reproducers. Care for the elderly, sick, or otherwise disadvantaged is equally important and can engage with welfare arguments similar to the ones proposed in this paper, but will not be included in this argument for the sake of clarity and concision. Nevertheless, the evolution of child-focused \"care\" throughout political and sociological histories will illustrate how our modern care systems are in contest with the values of traditional upper-class engagement. For the purposes of this paper, \"childcare\" refers to the labor allocated to the growth, development, and safety of dependents under the age of 18 years. The NSCH defines childcare as \"receiving care on a regular basis from persons other than their [child's] parents or guardians for more than 10 hours a week\". This includes circumstances of care ranging from no care to family, home, center, or mixed care. On a larger scale, this includes not only guardianship but also education, moral instruction, health maintenance, and physical safety. Most feminist economics and Marxist feminists have grappled with the dual responsibilities of production and reproduction since the late 20th century. This paper will outline how the social virtue of the mother was transferred to her dependents upon her entrance into the labor market and her child's abrupt exit. Through examinations of current policies aimed at subsidizing unsustainable caregiving circumstances, such as paid family leave, child tax credits, the temporary assistance for needy families act, and many more, this paper will outline how the legacy of the white, educated Republican Mother dominates the current caregiving economy and prevents meaningful political change for the mothers who need it most. Though the wellbeing of a child has always been a concern of the guardian, the emphasis on a child's development and value has undergone a vast transition in the last two centuries. This paper will also engage with a large time span and two very different countries to illustrate the continuity of a long-term issue in western politics. The persistence of the Republican Mother is inherently tied to the individualism of both the French and American nations, and her impact on policy is sustained only through an avoidance of larger structural change. The first chapter will engage with the original Republican Mother, her formation, and her impact on republican politics. The second chapter will use the basis of the French example to uncover the unique development of the American republican mother, her affiliations, and her goals. The third chapter will engage with the mechanics of the household – its elements of production and reproduction, how it is valued, what it values, and its method of engagement in the capitalist market. The fourth and final chapter will engage with the modern childcare market, the policies that sustain it, and the viability of policies that could help remedy modern caregiving market failures. By the end of the final chapter, the legacy of a particular form of white feminism should be clearly woven into an understanding of American childcare policies. On the Importance of Republican Motherhood Though it may be tempting to assume, republican motherhood does not refer just to a social conservatism that celebrates the virtue of the reproducing mother. While nationalist and virtuous reproduction and education are certainly an important aspect of the identity, it does not tell the whole story. The term encompasses that social conservatism but is also consistently impacted by the influence of reactionary movements. This is why I will argue that republican motherhood is a two-fold philosophy – it requires dramatic political engagement through the vernacular of the mother on two sides of a political spectrum. Though her intentions and perspective remain similarly limited, the American woman has had a very different trajectory throughout her socio-political development than the French Republican Mother. Her bourgeois experience led the movement against child labor, dominated debates about the Equal Rights Amendment, and suggested that a Clorox wipe-down of the Oval Office was a critical step in purging a political enemy. Her class status has been called into question unlike that of her French predecessor, and a welfare society has emerged to supplement instincts towards \"womanly\" progression. Still, the influence of the French republic and the challenge it posed to the female identity pervades as a virtuous influence in modern US politics.
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